Connections

The article examines political and legislative developments in Georgia between 2020 and 2024, highlighting policies and legislative actions that have undermined the country’s democratic trajectory and its now-suspended EU integration efforts. It sheds light on the process of democratic backsliding and de-democratization, emphasizing the consolidation of power and the erosion of the integrity of independent institutions. Though de-democratization is, as a rule, unoriginal and predictable in its brutality, lessons can still be learned and “warning signs” heeded from this Georgian case study. Hybrid activities, such as the brutal police clampdown on public demonstrations manifesting assertions of state capture, have occurred and can be expected in other transitional contexts as well. The awakening from dreams can be brutal.

Since the 1990s, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Serbia have employed strategies and tactics to address insecurity dilemmas by establishing various international partnerships and foreign alignments, choices that impact security governance at both local and regional levels. These countries claim to pursue national security and prosperity through Euro-Atlantic integration. Yet some undermine one another through hybrid warfare, nationalism, hostile rhetoric, and fearmongering, despite participating in EU and NATO accession efforts. 
This analysis examines whether such conflicting behaviors help these nations accomplish their stated objectives or, instead, inadvertently worsen the region’s security predicament by inciting rivalries and raising tensions, despite common institutional and declared cooperative goals. Emphasizing the traditional security dilemma mindset, the research examines these issues by monitoring security developments and defensive/ offensive tactics in the Western Balkans. It demonstrates how historical and political legacies, combined with a fragmented foreign policy environment and various democratic deficits, can make certain states more likely to provoke responses from others, resulting in an arms race or insecurity dilemma. The study further shows that small states in the Western Balkans can enhance their security through coordinated responses to shared risks and institutionalized regional cooperation. Strategic frameworks aligned with EU and NATO principles enable these states to translate collective commitments into effective security measures, thereby strengthening national defense while fostering regional stability.

Public trust is essential for credible and consistent state security policy, defense operations, and communications. In the twenty-first century, the social context of security has expanded significantly, necessitating that society acquire credible and up-to-date security knowledge. This article examines the relationship between the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and national security actors within the rule-of-law framework, focusing on how the trust factor influences goal fulfilment. The study uses a normative analysis of sustainable development goals, emphasizing the social pillar and its connections to national security institutions. It highlights the importance of continuous, trust-based communication between the public and social partners, reflecting transparency and accountability. The integration of sustainability into national security strategies—particularly concerning climate change and energy security—is explored through the strategies of NATO member states. The article also discusses the mutual reinforcement between social stability, economic stability, and national security, emphasizing that achieving the SDGs enhances national security, and vice versa. This comprehensive approach fosters effective, long-term solutions by integrating the SDGs into the national security framework, ultimately promoting social trust and stability.

Although the literature on coercion in autocracies reflects a general awareness that coercive institutions in authoritarian regimes are involved in political repression to keep the leader in power, there is little research on the exact forms these coercive apparatuses take across different regimes. Such research could help explain variations in the structures of coercive institutions or why countries adopt different institutional designs. This study explores in depth how the Erdogan government in Turkey structured the internal security apparatus to contain both popular and elite challenges to its survival during the country’s authoritarian transformation. The findings--—centered on the Erdogan government’s reassessment of the sources of threats to its survival and its response to that changed assessment--suggest that shifts in authoritarian leaders’ threat perceptions can lead to very different organizational and deployment strategies for coercion in service of regime survival.

This article aims to characterize the strategic communication system that was shaped before the war in Ukraine and has been evolving since February 24, 2022. It highlights Ukraine’s institutional efforts to develop its capabilities in information warfare and its journey in crafting a wartime strategic narrative. This system encompasses strategic communication with different target audiences, determining the appropriate credible war communicators, communication channels, and strategic narratives to govern the information landscape. The analysis of internal strategic narratives reveals a notable shift from promoting exaggerated myths and comforting messages to highlighting the bravery of both military personnel and civilians. Concurrently, the external narratives directed at the West have evolved from pleading for weapons and aid to conveying proactive messages that emphasize collective engagement for future success. These developments in Ukraine's information strategy influence domestic and international perceptions, shedding light on the intricate dynamics of narrative construction in times of war.

This research analyzes the information-psychological operations employed in the hybrid war conducted by the Russian Federation in the Black Sea and South Caucasus regions, with a specific focus on Georgia. The article presents concrete examples of these operations in Georgia, examining their tactics, methodology, key features, target audiences, and effects. It also evaluates Georgia's position and the outcomes of its responses. The relevance of the issue has increased significantly after Russia invaded Ukraine on February 24, 2022, and the onset of the large-scale war.

Bringing Ukraine closer to EU membership, accelerating European integration, participating in international projects, enhancing public policy on national memory, strengthening efforts to overcome the communist totalitarian and Russian imperial past, and forming a cohesive national identity all contribute to Ukraine's integration into the pan-European humanitarian space and memory policy. The formation of European collective memory involves the participation of many international organizations, including the Platform of European Memory and Conscience, founded in 2011. The Platform facilitates frequent discussions on overcoming the communist totalitarian past in Central and Eastern European countries. Ukraine, one of the post-communist states that endured the longest period of Soviet occupation (1917-1991), is a direct participant in forming and implementing European memory policy. Six Ukrainian public organizations are members of the Platform, with the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance as the central executive body responsible for implementing state policy on national memory. This article examines the participation of Ukrainian institutions in the Platform from 2012 to 2023. It analyzes the events organized by the Platform, such as annual meetings of the Platform Members Council, international conferences and meetings, and Ukraine’s involvement in these events. Two main aspects of Ukraine’s informational presence in the Platform’s activities are highlighted: (1) overcoming the communist totalitarian past and condemning the crimes of the Soviet government, and (2) confronting Russian aggression and condemning the crimes committed by the Russian Federation in Ukraine.

This article discusses Russia's struggle to combat disintegration in the Northeastern Caucasus--one of the country's most turbulent regions in terms of religious extremism, criminal violence, and radically different social processes--in light of its politics in Chechnya. With the beginning of the Second Chechen War (August 1999) and a series of dubious terrorist attacks in Russia in September 1999, Vladimir Putin rose to power, displaying an uncompromising stance against terrorism and post-Soviet fragmentation. The so-called counterterrorism operation in Chechnya officially ended in the spring of 2009. However, the power structures responsible for the crackdown on terrorists have not been disbanded to this day. Ramzan Kadyrov's effort to strengthen security measures in Chechnya starting in 2022 might be linked to the war in Ukraine. This article aims to examine the Chechens’ involvement in the war against Ukraine and to reassess the Moscow-Grozny relationship in the context of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict. It highlights Chechnya’s increasing alienation from Russia while the political dialogue at the official level attempts to prove the opposite.

This article provides a brief overview of the 25-year history of the Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes. It highlights the renewed international commitment to the Consortium and its principles, as observed during its 25th anniversary in 2024. Next, the article examines the Consortium through the Theory of Change concept, a logic modeling method for articulating how immediate actions link to long-term outcomes, particularly within complex systems. This approach analyzes the logical chain of events from the Consortium’s three strategic focus areas--intellectual interoperability, security sector cooperation, and institutional capacity building--to its desired strategic impacts, i.e., increasing regional stability, enhancing global security cooperation in order to address transnational security challenges, and fostering a more peaceful world that shares certain values including a commitment to democratic principles and the rules-based international order.

This article examines the motivation, history, development, implementation, and assessment of reference curricula by the Partnership for Peace Consortium and the Defense Education Enhancement Program. Driven by partner nations' demands to modernize teaching techniques and curricula within their professional military education institutions, this article explains how flexible yet standardized curricula catalyze institutional reform. The discussion then transitions to a theoretical exploration of reference curricula development, focusing on educational standardization, institutional transfer, and military transformation. Next, the article describes the implementation of reference curricula, illustrated by a case study from the Moldovan Military Academy. The article concludes with both theoretical and practical discussions to assess the impact of reference curricula, using Kirkpatrick's Four-Level Evaluation Model, as well as alternatives that account for national and cultural contexts.

This article examines the shift in international security from traditional threat-centric models to risk-based approaches, focusing on the role of emerging technologies in shaping perceptions and responses. While offering significant benefits, emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and quantum computing have also created new vulnerabilities, particularly when weaponized. Traditional state-centric security frameworks are inadequate in addressing these risks, especially as non-state actors gain access to these powerful technologies. The article categorizes global risks into catastrophic and existential types, exploring how their management demands a shift in risk analysis methods and proactive strategies. It advocates for a multi-stakeholder approach and global cooperation to enhance resilience, with a particular focus on NATO's adaptive strategies for combatting cyber, cognitive, and hybrid threats.

The good governance of military and security forces is essential for the effective defense of a nation or alliance and for fostering their democratic evolution. This article explores NATO and partner countries’ initiatives over the past three decades to enhance good governance, distinguishing five waves of focus: civil-military relations and democratic control of armed forces, defense institution building, security sector reform, building integrity and reducing corruption, and strengthening democratic resilience. The authors review the research and educational activities of the Partnership for Peace Consortium and other organizations in support of these initiatives, concluding with a proposal to establish a working group on democratic resilience within the Consortium.

The rapid evolution of warfare in the modern multi-domain battlespace necessitates a corresponding transformation in military training and education. The 21st-century battlefield is increasingly complex, with technology and the operational environment changing at an unprecedented pace across all domains--land, air, sea, cyber, and space--while major opponents of Western alliances continue to strengthen and coordinate their economic and military power to challenge the international order. The ongoing Russian war in Ukraine starkly illustrates the dynamic challenges of the modern battlespace and underscores the need for military instruction systems that are both resilient and adaptable. This article explores the "train while we fight" concept as a paradigm for addressing the challenges and opportunities in military education and training, emphasizing that learning must be continuous, adaptive, and integrated into operational activities. We analyze the growing role of Advanced Distributed Learning in education and training, highlight the need for multinational cooperation to build and sustain training resilience, and examine innovative instructional approaches inspired by fields such as lean manufacturing, mass customization, personalized learning, and on-demand content production.

It has often been argued that the European Union lacks a common long-term strategy for the South Caucasus and instead follows an ad-hoc, reactive approach to regional developments. While other geopolitical players such as Türkiye, Russia, and Iran remain dominant in the region, the European Union has limited options for engagement that align with its interests. Much will depend on how, when, and if the war against Ukraine ends, yet the European Union should already pursue a credible, realistic, and honest approach toward the three South Caucasus states. Avoiding black-and-white thinking about these countries--viewing them as either pro- or anti-Russia--is essential for the European Union, as is a clear understanding of what the European Union can realistically deliver. By applying a "do no harm" approach and focusing on mutually beneficial opportunities, such as supporting the diversification of foreign and economic policies, investing in regional infrastructure and trade projects, or aiding conflict resolution, the European Union can make a meaningful contribution to the region that also aligns with its own interests.

The Partnership for Peace Consortium’s Regional Stability in South East Europe Working Group aims to foster transformation in Southeast European societies and their defense and security establishments through academic research, education, training, and intensive cooperation and networking in the region and beyond. The positive practical effects over its 25 years of existence include the development of a new culture of addressing security issues in young democratic societies, evidenced by numerous academic publications, policy recommendations, and the membership of most Balkan countries in NATO and the European Union. New tasks lie ahead, and the Working Group remains committed to its mission, working closely with the Senior Advisory Council, the PfP Consortium Secretariat, and the George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies.

Reflecting on the 25th anniversary of the Partnership for Peace Consortium, this editorial examines its pivotal role in fostering peace, security, and cooperation across Europe and beyond. Established in a tumultuous post-Soviet landscape, the Consortium has navigated complex geopolitical shifts while advocating for collaborative approaches to conflict resolution, progressive visions for Europe and NATO, and the achievement of sustainable peace. By reviewing articles in this issue of Connections and the Consortium’s contributions to regional stability, democratic reform, and educational development, this article showcases the transformative impact of various working and study groups. Topics range from defense cooperation in South East Europe to the evolution of military education in response to contemporary security challenges like hybrid warfare and disinformation. The article emphasizes the ongoing need for innovative governance and adaptive methodologies to address emerging threats, as well as the importance of historical understanding in shaping modern security strategies. Ultimately, this reflection underscores the Consortium’s enduring commitment to enhancing global security cooperation and the vital role it plays in promoting democratic values amidst evolving security challenges.

Twenty-five years after its creation, the Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes continues to serve its stakeholders by adapting to new challenges and providing timely policy recommendations and relevant education and training solutions. This article briefly summarizes the origins of the Consortium, its working modalities, and future opportunities.

The world is witnessing a fundamental change in the international system. The international politics will likely evolve into a competition of systems in a multipolar world. This shift has significantly influenced how African countries interact with the rest of the world. African states have entered an era of choice. The narrative of Africa being the "Dark Continent" is transforming into one of a "rising continent," with interactions increasingly involving a growing number of "non-traditional actors." Some African governments have increasingly embraced economic, diplomatic, and security ties with Russia. Africa’s abundance of strategic resources, favorable demographics, and attractive growth prospects give its leaders leverage in global affairs.
Africa's relationship with the West has been complex, producing both positive and negative impacts. Neither capitalist-oriented nor socialist African governments have been able to transform the continent. A general sense of disappointment and frustration prevails among Africans toward Western powers, stemming from unfulfilled promises that democracy would lead to development and economic growth. Building trust and credibility will require greater European transparency regarding their interests, minimizing policy incoherencies, and addressing the gaps between European offerings and African needs.