Connections

This article discusses Russia's struggle to combat disintegration in the Northeastern Caucasus--one of the country's most turbulent regions in terms of religious extremism, criminal violence, and radically different social processes--in light of its politics in Chechnya. With the beginning of the Second Chechen War (August 1999) and a series of dubious terrorist attacks in Russia in September 1999, Vladimir Putin rose to power, displaying an uncompromising stance against terrorism and post-Soviet fragmentation. The so-called counterterrorism operation in Chechnya officially ended in the spring of 2009. However, the power structures responsible for the crackdown on terrorists have not been disbanded to this day. Ramzan Kadyrov's effort to strengthen security measures in Chechnya starting in 2022 might be linked to the war in Ukraine. This article aims to examine the Chechens’ involvement in the war against Ukraine and to reassess the Moscow-Grozny relationship in the context of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict. It highlights Chechnya’s increasing alienation from Russia while the political dialogue at the official level attempts to prove the opposite.

This article provides a brief overview of the 25-year history of the Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes. It highlights the renewed international commitment to the Consortium and its principles, as observed during its 25th anniversary in 2024. Next, the article examines the Consortium through the Theory of Change concept, a logic modeling method for articulating how immediate actions link to long-term outcomes, particularly within complex systems. This approach analyzes the logical chain of events from the Consortium’s three strategic focus areas--intellectual interoperability, security sector cooperation, and institutional capacity building--to its desired strategic impacts, i.e., increasing regional stability, enhancing global security cooperation in order to address transnational security challenges, and fostering a more peaceful world that shares certain values including a commitment to democratic principles and the rules-based international order.

This article examines the motivation, history, development, implementation, and assessment of reference curricula by the Partnership for Peace Consortium and the Defense Education Enhancement Program. Driven by partner nations' demands to modernize teaching techniques and curricula within their professional military education institutions, this article explains how flexible yet standardized curricula catalyze institutional reform. The discussion then transitions to a theoretical exploration of reference curricula development, focusing on educational standardization, institutional transfer, and military transformation. Next, the article describes the implementation of reference curricula, illustrated by a case study from the Moldovan Military Academy. The article concludes with both theoretical and practical discussions to assess the impact of reference curricula, using Kirkpatrick's Four-Level Evaluation Model, as well as alternatives that account for national and cultural contexts.

This article examines the shift in international security from traditional threat-centric models to risk-based approaches, focusing on the role of emerging technologies in shaping perceptions and responses. While offering significant benefits, emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and quantum computing have also created new vulnerabilities, particularly when weaponized. Traditional state-centric security frameworks are inadequate in addressing these risks, especially as non-state actors gain access to these powerful technologies. The article categorizes global risks into catastrophic and existential types, exploring how their management demands a shift in risk analysis methods and proactive strategies. It advocates for a multi-stakeholder approach and global cooperation to enhance resilience, with a particular focus on NATO's adaptive strategies for combatting cyber, cognitive, and hybrid threats.

The good governance of military and security forces is essential for the effective defense of a nation or alliance and for fostering their democratic evolution. This article explores NATO and partner countries’ initiatives over the past three decades to enhance good governance, distinguishing five waves of focus: civil-military relations and democratic control of armed forces, defense institution building, security sector reform, building integrity and reducing corruption, and strengthening democratic resilience. The authors review the research and educational activities of the Partnership for Peace Consortium and other organizations in support of these initiatives, concluding with a proposal to establish a working group on democratic resilience within the Consortium.

The rapid evolution of warfare in the modern multi-domain battlespace necessitates a corresponding transformation in military training and education. The 21st-century battlefield is increasingly complex, with technology and the operational environment changing at an unprecedented pace across all domains--land, air, sea, cyber, and space--while major opponents of Western alliances continue to strengthen and coordinate their economic and military power to challenge the international order. The ongoing Russian war in Ukraine starkly illustrates the dynamic challenges of the modern battlespace and underscores the need for military instruction systems that are both resilient and adaptable. This article explores the "train while we fight" concept as a paradigm for addressing the challenges and opportunities in military education and training, emphasizing that learning must be continuous, adaptive, and integrated into operational activities. We analyze the growing role of Advanced Distributed Learning in education and training, highlight the need for multinational cooperation to build and sustain training resilience, and examine innovative instructional approaches inspired by fields such as lean manufacturing, mass customization, personalized learning, and on-demand content production.

It has often been argued that the European Union lacks a common long-term strategy for the South Caucasus and instead follows an ad-hoc, reactive approach to regional developments. While other geopolitical players such as Türkiye, Russia, and Iran remain dominant in the region, the European Union has limited options for engagement that align with its interests. Much will depend on how, when, and if the war against Ukraine ends, yet the European Union should already pursue a credible, realistic, and honest approach toward the three South Caucasus states. Avoiding black-and-white thinking about these countries--viewing them as either pro- or anti-Russia--is essential for the European Union, as is a clear understanding of what the European Union can realistically deliver. By applying a "do no harm" approach and focusing on mutually beneficial opportunities, such as supporting the diversification of foreign and economic policies, investing in regional infrastructure and trade projects, or aiding conflict resolution, the European Union can make a meaningful contribution to the region that also aligns with its own interests.

The Partnership for Peace Consortium’s Regional Stability in South East Europe Working Group aims to foster transformation in Southeast European societies and their defense and security establishments through academic research, education, training, and intensive cooperation and networking in the region and beyond. The positive practical effects over its 25 years of existence include the development of a new culture of addressing security issues in young democratic societies, evidenced by numerous academic publications, policy recommendations, and the membership of most Balkan countries in NATO and the European Union. New tasks lie ahead, and the Working Group remains committed to its mission, working closely with the Senior Advisory Council, the PfP Consortium Secretariat, and the George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies.

Reflecting on the 25th anniversary of the Partnership for Peace Consortium, this editorial examines its pivotal role in fostering peace, security, and cooperation across Europe and beyond. Established in a tumultuous post-Soviet landscape, the Consortium has navigated complex geopolitical shifts while advocating for collaborative approaches to conflict resolution, progressive visions for Europe and NATO, and the achievement of sustainable peace. By reviewing articles in this issue of Connections and the Consortium’s contributions to regional stability, democratic reform, and educational development, this article showcases the transformative impact of various working and study groups. Topics range from defense cooperation in South East Europe to the evolution of military education in response to contemporary security challenges like hybrid warfare and disinformation. The article emphasizes the ongoing need for innovative governance and adaptive methodologies to address emerging threats, as well as the importance of historical understanding in shaping modern security strategies. Ultimately, this reflection underscores the Consortium’s enduring commitment to enhancing global security cooperation and the vital role it plays in promoting democratic values amidst evolving security challenges.

Twenty-five years after its creation, the Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes continues to serve its stakeholders by adapting to new challenges and providing timely policy recommendations and relevant education and training solutions. This article briefly summarizes the origins of the Consortium, its working modalities, and future opportunities.

The world is witnessing a fundamental change in the international system. The international politics will likely evolve into a competition of systems in a multipolar world. This shift has significantly influenced how African countries interact with the rest of the world. African states have entered an era of choice. The narrative of Africa being the "Dark Continent" is transforming into one of a "rising continent," with interactions increasingly involving a growing number of "non-traditional actors." Some African governments have increasingly embraced economic, diplomatic, and security ties with Russia. Africa’s abundance of strategic resources, favorable demographics, and attractive growth prospects give its leaders leverage in global affairs.
Africa's relationship with the West has been complex, producing both positive and negative impacts. Neither capitalist-oriented nor socialist African governments have been able to transform the continent. A general sense of disappointment and frustration prevails among Africans toward Western powers, stemming from unfulfilled promises that democracy would lead to development and economic growth. Building trust and credibility will require greater European transparency regarding their interests, minimizing policy incoherencies, and addressing the gaps between European offerings and African needs.

The European Union perceives the world as multipolar, with countries of the Global South expanding their political and economic influence alongside the rivalry between the United States and China. Cooperation, compromise, and multilateral engagement are central to the EU's mode of operation, and the European Union and its member states favor this approach in shaping international relations. However, in a security environment characterized by strategic competition, the European Union, as the world's largest trading bloc, must assert its role. "Strategic interdependence" appears to be the EU's response to addressing the complexities of a changing world.

This article analyzes India's stake and role in the context of the renewed confrontational relationship between Washington and Beijing. The examination of India’s strategic vision, along with the changing dynamics of its bilateral ties with the United States, China, and Russia, demonstrates that New Delhi's foreign policy toward Washington has been shaped by events in South Asia and the Indian Ocean, as well as by the dynamics of America's evolving relationships with key Asian powers. India has assumed a prominent role in the United States’ efforts to enforce a rules-based international order in the Indo-Pacific. Both nations have leveraged shared values to deepen their engagement, also driven by pragmatic considerations. At the same time, maintaining close relations with the United States has become a strategic necessity for India. The partnership between India and the United States has been reinforced by their increasingly adversarial relationships with China. India has shown a noticeable shift in its approach to the U.S.-China strategic rivalry, driven by New Delhi’s changing threat perception of China – from a partner to a security threat.

Strategic competition and the concept of being in a struggle currently shape the mindsets and the construction of the social reality of policymakers, academics, and the public. This article analyzes how U.S. policymakers and analysts, the Russian leadership, and the Chinese Communist Party perceive the current security situation. It also explores the often-underestimated role of strategic narratives. By summarizing the key points of the strategic narratives of the United States, Russia, and China, the article discusses the implications of the competitive mindset on humanity’s ability to address essential global security challenges

This article explores the geopolitical and geostrategic importance of the Black Sea region within the complex dynamics of major-power competition, focusing primarily on the interests and strategies of the United States, China, Russia, and other regional players. It highlights the region’s major threats and challenges, ranging from military threats and hybrid operations to socio-economic and ecological concerns. These multifaceted challenges are leveraged by key stakeholders to advance their interests, further complicating the strategic landscape. This complex geopolitical environment, fraught with risks and competition, underscores the need for a nuanced understanding of the dynamics at play. The article introduces the concept of strategic trilemmas in the Black Sea region, involving the active participation of Türkiye, Ukraine, and pro-Western littoral states (Romania, Bulgaria, and Georgia) on one side, with Russia on the opposing side. Addressing the region’s challenges requires a comprehensive approach to promote stability, security, and cooperation. While Russia’s influence remains a concern, the potential for reducing its dominance and increasing cooperation in the Black Sea region offers bilateral and multilateral collaboration opportunities in this crucial geopolitical theater.

Strategic competition has significantly reframed American strategic thought, particularly its national security and military strategies, by defining the threats to American primacy and the rules-based international order posed mainly by China and Russia. However, the term "strategic competition" is not universally understood within the U.S. government, leading to varying perspectives on how to proceed. Additionally, it does not adequately address how competitors approach international competition, creating a risk of miscalculation and an increased chance of conflict. Finally, for the United States, strategic competition establishes a framework that perpetuates challenges for American strategy and the use of elements of national power. While "strategic competition" is necessary to focus and drive American strategy and strategic calculus, it is also a vague and imperfect construct that could lead decision-makers down consequential paths.

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) sees the growing role and influence of the People's Republic of China as a return to the natural state of affairs. Building on ancient concepts like Tian Xia and driven by historically shaped preferences for control and dominance, the CCP proposes a "community of shared future for mankind" as an alternative to the Western-shaped rules-based order - a China-centric, hierarchical world order with Beijing at its core, engaging with subordinate states to the "benefit of all." This article introduces Beijing's perception of strategic competition, its main interests and drivers, and the avenues it pursues to promote its alternative world order.

The Indo-Pacific is one of the most consequential regions in the world. Its demographic and economic trends make it a pivotal engine for global economic growth. At the same time, various ethnic, territorial, and maritime disputes in the region threaten to destabilize not only individual states and the region but also the international system. Against this backdrop, the Sino-American strategic competition adds another layer of complexity to regional dynamics, bringing with it several opportunities but also significant challenges. Consequently, how this competition evolves will have global repercussions. This study explores the role of the Indo-Pacific in the broader Sino-American strategic competition and assesses the perceptions and interests of key regional actors. The author argues that these actors are exercising their agency in ways that constrain or co-opt the Sino-American strategic competition to further their interests. Conclusions are made that this challenges the emergent Cold War 2.0 discourse, which envisions Washington and Beijing forming two coherent blocks vying for influence, by revealing the region’s complex realities.