Connections

Strategic competition has significantly reframed American strategic thought, particularly its national security and military strategies, by defining the threats to American primacy and the rules-based international order posed mainly by China and Russia. However, the term "strategic competition" is not universally understood within the U.S. government, leading to varying perspectives on how to proceed. Additionally, it does not adequately address how competitors approach international competition, creating a risk of miscalculation and an increased chance of conflict. Finally, for the United States, strategic competition establishes a framework that perpetuates challenges for American strategy and the use of elements of national power. While "strategic competition" is necessary to focus and drive American strategy and strategic calculus, it is also a vague and imperfect construct that could lead decision-makers down consequential paths.

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) sees the growing role and influence of the People's Republic of China as a return to the natural state of affairs. Building on ancient concepts like Tian Xia and driven by historically shaped preferences for control and dominance, the CCP proposes a "community of shared future for mankind" as an alternative to the Western-shaped rules-based order - a China-centric, hierarchical world order with Beijing at its core, engaging with subordinate states to the "benefit of all." This article introduces Beijing's perception of strategic competition, its main interests and drivers, and the avenues it pursues to promote its alternative world order.

The Indo-Pacific is one of the most consequential regions in the world. Its demographic and economic trends make it a pivotal engine for global economic growth. At the same time, various ethnic, territorial, and maritime disputes in the region threaten to destabilize not only individual states and the region but also the international system. Against this backdrop, the Sino-American strategic competition adds another layer of complexity to regional dynamics, bringing with it several opportunities but also significant challenges. Consequently, how this competition evolves will have global repercussions. This study explores the role of the Indo-Pacific in the broader Sino-American strategic competition and assesses the perceptions and interests of key regional actors. The author argues that these actors are exercising their agency in ways that constrain or co-opt the Sino-American strategic competition to further their interests. Conclusions are made that this challenges the emergent Cold War 2.0 discourse, which envisions Washington and Beijing forming two coherent blocks vying for influence, by revealing the region’s complex realities.

Following Russia’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the United States, along with an international coalition of over 40 allies and partners (including the European Union and G7), imposed sanctions designed to restrict Russia’s access to capital, technologies, and other resources necessary to wage an aggressive war. Despite Georgia’s historical alignment with EU sanctions following Russia’s 2014 actions, the Georgian government opted not to officially join the coalition in 2022, citing economic concerns and fears of potential Russian aggression. However, Georgia’s strategic location and transportation infrastructure have made it a focal point for Russia’s attempts to evade sanctions, creating significant security risks given Georgia’s history of conflict with Russia. This study explores the challenges and threats facing Georgia in the aftermath of the sanctions, focusing on the complexities of balancing its international obligations with its security concerns. The analysis of Georgia’s foreign trade data reveals a surge in trade volumes involving specific products and countries, indicating efforts by Russia to circumvent sanctions. The research methodology integrates academic studies and original statistical analysis to underscore the urgency for Georgia to strengthen its cooperation with coalition members and improve its compliance with sanctions policies. The study concludes by proposing measures for Georgia to mitigate these threats, including developing a comprehensive trade control policy and enhancing administrative capacities to support coalition efforts in weakening Russia’s military capabilities.

Utilizing the British Broadcasting Corporation Monitoring (BBCM) service to track and analyze the use of the term “Anglo-Saxons” by Russian officials, media representatives, state policy documents, as well as wider advocates of Russia’s narrative, this article surveys how Putin’s regime references it. The term’s meanings are open-ended, dynamic, and evolving, and its applications tend to be context-sensitive. “Anglo-Saxons” functions as an epithet, trope, synonym, metaphor, and analogy in contemporary Russian discourse during Putin’s fifth term. It represents a “collective West” perceived as intent on destabilizing Russia. The supposed threat of “Anglo-Saxons” is used to justify political choices, legitimize internal order, characterize Russia’s alternative geopolitical identity, and outline its vision of a preferred global order. Following a genealogy of the term, tracing its evolving meanings through the medieval, early modern, and modern periods, the article identifies three core ways in which official discourse deploys the “Anglo-Saxon” concept: 1) “Anglo-Saxon Atlanticists” and the “collective West”; 2) the “Anglo-Saxon Reich” – portraying the “fascist Anglo-Saxons elite” and “Ordinary Nazis”; and 3) “Anglo-Saxons” as “Fifth Column” and “Foreign Agent.” Finally, the article concludes by exploring the trajectory of “Anglo-Saxon” usage and reflecting on its efficacy in legitimizing current Russian policies and strategies.

Technology and innovation have significantly influenced the Russo-Ukrainian war, impacting not only the armed conflict but also the reconstruction of reclaimed territories and the restoration of services. Few believed in Ukraine’s survival when the Russian invasion began in February 2022. This article examines how Ukraine, through its ability to embrace technological advancements and apply innovative solutions, gained a comparatively advantageous position against Russian aggression. We focus on the fundamental differences in the early stages of the war, particularly highlighting Ukraine’s adept integration of emerging dual-use and advanced Western products and technologies.

The Black Sea, historically a crossroads of empires and modern nations, has become a critical focal point in 21st-century geopolitics. This article examines its multifaceted importance, from strategic maritime linkages and energy reserves to its evolving role as a theater for great power competition. By analyzing the interests and actions of key players such as Russia, Türkiye, and NATO, we highlight the region's dual significance as both a hub of cooperation and a potential flashpoint for conflict. Drawing on historical context, current geopolitical developments, and strategic analyses, the article underscores the Black Sea’s broader implications for global peace, trade, and stability in an era of renewed global power dynamics.

This study examines the status of the Crimean Peninsula within the frameworks of international law and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) legal framework. The urgency of this issue is heightened by the ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine, which deepens the uncertainty surrounding Crimea’s status. Currently, Crimea remains a disputed territory, posing significant legal and political challenges. The central question of this study is whether Crimea, given its undefined status, can fully exercise the rights and privileges associated with EAEU membership. The study explores potential implications and possibilities for Crimea's integration into the EAEU. Through a detailed analysis of legal intricacies and international legal instruments, the article highlights specific features of the EAEU's legal landscape. Despite its annexed status, Crimea operates within the framework of both the Russian Federation and the EAEU. Member states maintain a delicate balance by engaging with Crimea under de facto recognition while avoiding international sanctions. This dual approach reflects the complexities of the situation. The practical value of this research lies in its potential to inform broader policy development regarding Crimea’s legal status amidst the ongoing conflict. By considering the impact of the current war, the study offers a timely and relevant analysis of the evolving geopolitical landscape and its effects on Crimea's legal standing.

Since Russia annexed Crimea and its war of aggression against Ukraine, the security environment of the Black Sea has undergone significant changes. The increased Russian military presence in the Black Sea basin has posed a challenge to NATO's strategic interests, including energy security and the preservation of free navigation. This policy-focused article examines ways to enhance trilateral cooperation in the Black Sea region among the three NATO littoral states--Romania, Türkiye, and Bulgari--to counter Russian influence. This influence has been a relatively overlooked aspect of NATO's strategic concerns, which has yet to produce a comprehensive strategy for the region. Greater trilateral cooperation among NATO members with coastal access to the Black Sea is envisioned as a step towards the development of a NATO Black Sea strategy and the potential creation of a joint fleet. The three countries have already launched successful initiatives, such as the establishment of MCM Black Sea in January 2024, which serves as a platform for collaborative maritime demining in response to the Russian-Ukrainian war. This article aims to untangle the complexities of expanding NATO's presence in the Black Sea basin and offers recommendations for both domestic and international policies to advance NATO’s strategic objectives.

The era of Arctic exceptionalism has ended, bringing uncertainty to a region with tremendous strategic and economic potential. With Finland and Sweden joining the North Atlantic Treaty Alliance, the Arctic faces an unprecedented division: around half of the Arctic aligns under the NATO flag, while the other half remains Russian. Climate change is a critical factor driving regional activity, and the warming trends are affecting the region’s economic development, infrastructure, and military activity. With Western sanctions blocking technological and economic cooperation with Russia, China is well-positioned to fill the gap. The “no limits” friendship between Russia and China facilitates increased Chinese investment and presence in a region historically wary of non-Arctic states. This article will examine how climate factors enable both the strengthened ties among like-minded Western Arctic nations and the growing relationship between Russia and China to assess whether a new “ice curtain” is emerging as strategic competition intensifies in the Arctic.

Tensions in great power competition, geopolitical shifts, and external shocks—such as the 2008-2009 global financial crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic, and Russia’s war against Ukraine since February 2014—have put the global economy under stress. International trade, foreign direct investment, and global value chains have been redirected, diversified, and de-risked. Rather than leading to de-globalization, this has resulted in a "fragmentegrated" global economy that is both tripolar, regionally and globally fragmented, and integrated at the same time. The world economy remains deeply interconnected rather than fully decoupled.
This "fragmentegrated" global economy is exposed to great power competition and the increasing weaponization of economic interdependence, affecting all sectors of the multilateral system. Conflict and confrontation dominate under these conditions of “chained globalization.” However, strategic interdependence and the development of counter-coercive instruments can provide mitigation tools for actors facing pressure from great powers.

Strategic competition is not new, nor is the use of activities short of warfare by governments to shape the international system in their favor. However, the ability of state and non-state actors to directly influence populations through a range of rapid and non-attributable actions is different from previous iterations of strategic competition. These activities, referred to in this article as hybrid threats, directly challenge state sovereignty and represent the key distinguishing feature of contemporary strategic competition. To clarify this argument, the article aims to provide working definitions of strategic competition and its distinction from great power competition; to explain what hybrid threats and hybrid warfare are and their roles in the broader strategic objectives of state and non-state actors; to describe how strategic competitors and adversaries perceive these activities; and to emphasize the importance of building resilience within populations to counter hybrid threats.

This article examines the impact of the Russian Federation’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 on the strategies of the United States, United Kingdom, France, NATO, and the European Union regarding the Black Sea region. The author highlights how the invasion has emphasized the strategic importance of the Black Sea for the international order. In addition to analyzing official state actions, the author explores the academic and intellectual discourse in the United States, United Kingdom, and France to assess the region’s strategic significance.

The purpose of this study is to identify the role and skills of critical thinking in the context of hybrid warfare, as well as to explore ways to develop it. The following methods were used in the study: system and complex analysis, structural and functional analysis, historical analysis, analysis and synthesis, critical analysis, conceptual modeling, and generalization of existing knowledge. The findings revealed that conventional approaches to ensuring national security, such as increasing military power, are insufficient in the context of hybrid warfare. It is argued that in order to strengthen Ukraine’s national security, it is crucial to adopt new approaches, particularly those focused on developing the intellectual potential of society. The study proves that the purposeful development of citizens’ critical thinking can play a key role in increasing Ukraine's resilience to the information and psychological threats posed by hybrid warfare. Critical thinking enables individuals to better identify and resist fakes, propaganda, and manipulation. The practical significance of this study lies in substantiating the strategic importance of critical thinking for Ukraine's national security.

This article explores the multifaceted landscape of quality assurance practices employed by military higher education institutions worldwide to identify common features and demonstrate diversity. The findings reveal that internal quality assurance in military higher education institutions typically aligns with national academic requirements, influenced by the political system and participation in regional political associations. Most countries follow a three-level model of quality assurance, encompassing internal procedures, external evaluation by independent or government-controlled agencies, and the quality assurance of accreditation bodies. Despite initial resistance due to corporate culture, the institutionalization of internal quality assurance systems in military higher education institutions is advancing, driven by external pressures. Challenges in external evaluations of military entities based on civilian university criteria arise from differences in human resource policies, management systems, and the organization of educational processes. The application of academic quality assurance standards (national or regional) by military higher education institutions promotes their integration into national (or sub-regional) higher education frameworks but does little to advance defense institution-building. To address these challenges, the study suggests developing specialized quality standards for military education institutions, considering their unique management characteristics and contributions to national security and defense. Such standards, whether national or international, should complement existing frameworks and facilitate the integration of military education into broader security initiatives.

This article addresses the question of whether civilians engaged in disseminating propaganda can be construed as direct participants in hostilities. It focuses on the gaps created by a lack of international law provisions governing the use of propaganda during armed conflicts. The research contends that the categorization and classification of propaganda are vital, given the increasing employment of harmful digital information. An example of Ukrainian strategic communication campaigns illustrates the slippery slope created by easily accessible social media platforms and the danger posed by civilians spreading these so-called “strategic communication campaigns.” The research explores how the principle of distinction and the notion of direct participation apply to Ukrainian civilians. This article finds that multiple gray areas exist when analyzing the applicable legal frameworks surrounding the dissemination of propaganda. The study concludes that civilians spreading propaganda do not qualify as directly participating in hostilities, as the three-prong test of the International Committee of the Red Cross is not met.

The actors within the so-called “intelligence community” play a central role in fulfilling Europe’s security commitments by providing political and military decision-makers with critical analyses and information. The Intelligence College in Europe (ICE) is the first entity to offer both professional intelligence training and postgraduate-level academic education in intelligence and security studies for intelligence officers on a pan-European scale. In developing its postgraduate offerings, ICE has drawn upon the experience of Germany’s Master of Intelligence and Security Studies (MISS), a collaborative effort between the University of the Bundeswehr Munich and the Department of Intelligence at the Federal University of Administrative Sciences in Berlin. As a main contribution of this article, the counterterrorism module (adapted from the MISS) is examined in detail as a case study of how postgraduate modules can be tailored to meet the needs of a pan-European audience of intelligence professionals.

Numerous international and national documents highlight that higher education institutions should provide qualified educators and promote the professional development of teachers with a particular focus on student-centered learning and teaching. In the higher education system of the Republic of Croatia, most teachers do not receive specialized training in teaching competencies. While they possess the necessary professional expertise in their respective subject areas, they often lack the pedagogical and andragogical training required for effective higher education. Hence, the authors of this work aim to demonstrate the necessity of continuous education for civilian-military teachers in a certified program for lifelong development of teaching competencies. The continuous education will be delivered through specially designed courses and will be a prerequisite for assuming teaching responsibilities and advancing into scientific-teaching positions.

This article considers Russian aggression against Ukraine within the context of a global clash between malign anti-civilizational forces and civilization. It posits that today’s world situation should be understood as one positioned on a civilizational fault line. The conflict between these two dynamics is a key feature of the 21st century. The contemporary global terror stemming from the genocide of the Ukrainian people is linked to the growing phenomenon of the “new enemies of totalitarian Russia.” This situation puts individuals and states worldwide at risk. Moscow’s ambitions are not limited locally, regionally, or geographically; they are already impacting the peaceful future of the planet and its existence.
The terms Kremlinism, Ruscism, and Putinism are introduced as manifestations of the Kremlin’s traditional fascism, which is central to Moscow’s anti-civilizational force. The authors analyze Russia’s internal and international use of rhetoric and lawfare. While the Kremlin may be effective in frightening or fooling leaders of democracies, its own citizens are the primary targets of its terrorist efforts. The objective is to demonstrate that a global response is required from civilized citizens and states. This response must outline a favorable vision of a future world where civilization thrives and confidently overcomes the forces of autocracy, authoritarianism, and corruption.

Considering the ongoing military conflict with the Russian Federation, the modernization of the personnel management system of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is of utmost significance. Effective training of new officers is becoming a strategic task to strengthen the country’s defense capability and ensure national security. This research aims to thoroughly analyze and justify ways to modernize the personnel management system of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in the context of the current military conflict, focusing on improving the education and training of the new generation of officers. It is based on a statistical analysis of data obtained through expert analysis and a survey of highly qualified professionals. The study demonstrated that the existing personnel management system of the Armed Forces of Ukraine requires significant modifications to respond to the current challenges of military operations. In particular, there is a need to introduce advanced teaching methods and use modern technologies in training officers. Additionally, improving the organizational structures that provide officer training is essential. This includes revising programs, adapting to modern conflicts, and implementing international training standards. Psychological and social aspects of the officer corps' design and development should be considered to ensure long-term stability and productivity. Special emphasis is placed on introducing international experience and cooperation with partner countries, exchange of experiences, joint exercises, and training programs.