Connections

The purpose of this study is to identify the role and skills of critical thinking in the context of hybrid warfare, as well as to explore ways to develop it. The following methods were used in the study: system and complex analysis, structural and functional analysis, historical analysis, analysis and synthesis, critical analysis, conceptual modeling, and generalization of existing knowledge. The findings revealed that conventional approaches to ensuring national security, such as increasing military power, are insufficient in the context of hybrid warfare. It is argued that in order to strengthen Ukraine’s national security, it is crucial to adopt new approaches, particularly those focused on developing the intellectual potential of society. The study proves that the purposeful development of citizens’ critical thinking can play a key role in increasing Ukraine's resilience to the information and psychological threats posed by hybrid warfare. Critical thinking enables individuals to better identify and resist fakes, propaganda, and manipulation. The practical significance of this study lies in substantiating the strategic importance of critical thinking for Ukraine's national security.

This article explores the multifaceted landscape of quality assurance practices employed by military higher education institutions worldwide to identify common features and demonstrate diversity. The findings reveal that internal quality assurance in military higher education institutions typically aligns with national academic requirements, influenced by the political system and participation in regional political associations. Most countries follow a three-level model of quality assurance, encompassing internal procedures, external evaluation by independent or government-controlled agencies, and the quality assurance of accreditation bodies. Despite initial resistance due to corporate culture, the institutionalization of internal quality assurance systems in military higher education institutions is advancing, driven by external pressures. Challenges in external evaluations of military entities based on civilian university criteria arise from differences in human resource policies, management systems, and the organization of educational processes. The application of academic quality assurance standards (national or regional) by military higher education institutions promotes their integration into national (or sub-regional) higher education frameworks but does little to advance defense institution-building. To address these challenges, the study suggests developing specialized quality standards for military education institutions, considering their unique management characteristics and contributions to national security and defense. Such standards, whether national or international, should complement existing frameworks and facilitate the integration of military education into broader security initiatives.

This article addresses the question of whether civilians engaged in disseminating propaganda can be construed as direct participants in hostilities. It focuses on the gaps created by a lack of international law provisions governing the use of propaganda during armed conflicts. The research contends that the categorization and classification of propaganda are vital, given the increasing employment of harmful digital information. An example of Ukrainian strategic communication campaigns illustrates the slippery slope created by easily accessible social media platforms and the danger posed by civilians spreading these so-called “strategic communication campaigns.” The research explores how the principle of distinction and the notion of direct participation apply to Ukrainian civilians. This article finds that multiple gray areas exist when analyzing the applicable legal frameworks surrounding the dissemination of propaganda. The study concludes that civilians spreading propaganda do not qualify as directly participating in hostilities, as the three-prong test of the International Committee of the Red Cross is not met.

The actors within the so-called “intelligence community” play a central role in fulfilling Europe’s security commitments by providing political and military decision-makers with critical analyses and information. The Intelligence College in Europe (ICE) is the first entity to offer both professional intelligence training and postgraduate-level academic education in intelligence and security studies for intelligence officers on a pan-European scale. In developing its postgraduate offerings, ICE has drawn upon the experience of Germany’s Master of Intelligence and Security Studies (MISS), a collaborative effort between the University of the Bundeswehr Munich and the Department of Intelligence at the Federal University of Administrative Sciences in Berlin. As a main contribution of this article, the counterterrorism module (adapted from the MISS) is examined in detail as a case study of how postgraduate modules can be tailored to meet the needs of a pan-European audience of intelligence professionals.

Numerous international and national documents highlight that higher education institutions should provide qualified educators and promote the professional development of teachers with a particular focus on student-centered learning and teaching. In the higher education system of the Republic of Croatia, most teachers do not receive specialized training in teaching competencies. While they possess the necessary professional expertise in their respective subject areas, they often lack the pedagogical and andragogical training required for effective higher education. Hence, the authors of this work aim to demonstrate the necessity of continuous education for civilian-military teachers in a certified program for lifelong development of teaching competencies. The continuous education will be delivered through specially designed courses and will be a prerequisite for assuming teaching responsibilities and advancing into scientific-teaching positions.

This article considers Russian aggression against Ukraine within the context of a global clash between malign anti-civilizational forces and civilization. It posits that today’s world situation should be understood as one positioned on a civilizational fault line. The conflict between these two dynamics is a key feature of the 21st century. The contemporary global terror stemming from the genocide of the Ukrainian people is linked to the growing phenomenon of the “new enemies of totalitarian Russia.” This situation puts individuals and states worldwide at risk. Moscow’s ambitions are not limited locally, regionally, or geographically; they are already impacting the peaceful future of the planet and its existence.
The terms Kremlinism, Ruscism, and Putinism are introduced as manifestations of the Kremlin’s traditional fascism, which is central to Moscow’s anti-civilizational force. The authors analyze Russia’s internal and international use of rhetoric and lawfare. While the Kremlin may be effective in frightening or fooling leaders of democracies, its own citizens are the primary targets of its terrorist efforts. The objective is to demonstrate that a global response is required from civilized citizens and states. This response must outline a favorable vision of a future world where civilization thrives and confidently overcomes the forces of autocracy, authoritarianism, and corruption.

Considering the ongoing military conflict with the Russian Federation, the modernization of the personnel management system of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is of utmost significance. Effective training of new officers is becoming a strategic task to strengthen the country’s defense capability and ensure national security. This research aims to thoroughly analyze and justify ways to modernize the personnel management system of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in the context of the current military conflict, focusing on improving the education and training of the new generation of officers. It is based on a statistical analysis of data obtained through expert analysis and a survey of highly qualified professionals. The study demonstrated that the existing personnel management system of the Armed Forces of Ukraine requires significant modifications to respond to the current challenges of military operations. In particular, there is a need to introduce advanced teaching methods and use modern technologies in training officers. Additionally, improving the organizational structures that provide officer training is essential. This includes revising programs, adapting to modern conflicts, and implementing international training standards. Psychological and social aspects of the officer corps' design and development should be considered to ensure long-term stability and productivity. Special emphasis is placed on introducing international experience and cooperation with partner countries, exchange of experiences, joint exercises, and training programs.

This article examines the significant changes in fertilizer prices due to the Russo-Ukrainian war and its broader economic implications. Historically, crisis cycles have periodically reshaped economic conditions, disrupting standard processes such as currency exchange rates and trade balances. The Russo-Ukrainian conflict escalated pre-existing tensions from the 2014 Crimea annexation and further complicated supply chain issues exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. This article explores the correlation between natural gas prices and key agricultural inputs, highlighting how energy prices influence fertilizer costs and food prices. The analysis covers the impact of the conflict on global fertilizer markets, specifically focusing on nitrogen-based fertilizers, the strategic shifts in European supply chains, and food security in Africa. Additionally, the article discusses geopolitical maneuvers such as the Black Sea Grain Initiative and their effects on food security and agricultural productivity. The findings underline the intertwined nature of energy, agriculture, and geopolitical stability, emphasizing the need for adaptive strategies in response to such crises.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 accelerated the geopolitical shift towards Great Power competition while further contributing to the waning attention given to transnational terrorism. This study posits that the risks of transnational, regional, and local terrorism, both directly and indirectly stemming from the war in Ukraine, are increasing. To support this assertion, it analyzes recent events and commentary to establish a framework for examining the war’s impact on the trajectories of transnational terrorism. Furthermore, it provides evidence of newly emerging terrorist threat vectors that challenge conventional counterterrorism strategies.

While Russia transitioned from hybrid to conventional warfare in Ukraine, NATO recognized cyberspace as another domain where allied response can be invoked. The European Union also decided to enhance the cybersecurity capabilities of the organization and its member states, making social resilience a priority area. It is recognized that the security of cyberspace and related systems is not just an economic issue but one that affects the whole society, necessitating a more complex strategy and regulation. The EU has taken steps to mitigate the cyber risks associated with hybrid warfare, enhancing network and cognitive security. However, offensive cyber operations could increasingly lead to open armed conflict. During existing conflicts, some cyber operations may undermine public confidence and further escalate the situation. The EU and its Member States must pay closer attention to escalation dynamics in their legislation and practices. It is crucial to scrutinize cyber policies, set specific targets and deadlines, and regularly update them. This will require stakeholders to find the appropriate regulatory levels and align national regulations, practices, and standards.

This article examines international crimes committed on the territory of Ukraine since February 24, 2022. Ukraine faces explicit acts of aggression, with a multitude of war crimes—including murder, sexual violence, and deliberate attacks on civilian property and infrastructure—being perpetrated within its borders. Additionally, there are indications of genocidal intent. Urgent attention is required to investigate the violations of international humanitarian law. Further, the article identifies the main causes of war crimes committed by the military: military errors or failures, the use of civilians as “human shields,” insufficient discipline, inadequate inculcation of legal norms related to international humanitarian law and Just War Theory within military ranks, and the use of targeted terror aimed at crushing the enemy’s will to resist. The author examines the interrelation of war crimes and information warfare in light of the importance of discerning truth amidst a sea of disinformation and cover-up. Finally, he explores national and international mechanisms for bringing perpetrators of crimes to justice, as well as seeking compensation for the damage they caused.

The ongoing war in Ukraine has evident devastating consequences. It is an urgent reminder of the relevance of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace, and security, which calls for the meaningful inclusion of women in all areas of peacebuilding and conflict prevention. This paper highlights the involvement of Ukrainian women in the war, emphasizing their roles across politics, defense, and humanitarian response. The authors examine some critical issues to stimulate and support women’s active position in peace-building and conflict resolution in the Ukrainian context.

This article examines the evolution of Belarusian statehood, highlighting the transition from its independence in 1991 to the increasingly authoritarian regime under President Aleksandr Lukashenka. It scrutinizes the complex relationship between Lukashenka and Russian President Vladimir Putin and the repeated breaches and renegotiations of their political contract. The analysis covers Belarus’ oscillation between integration with Russia and attempts at Western engagement, particularly noting the period of soft Belarusification from 2014 to 2020 as a response to fears of Russian annexation. The 2020 presidential elections marked a turning point, with mass protests against Lukashenka’s claimed victory leading to severe crackdowns and the erosion of Belarusian sovereignty. The article argues that Belarus’ support for Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine signifies a further decline in its autonomy. It advocates for a strategic approach by the West, bolstering the Belarusian opposition, supporting independent media, and exploiting moments of Russian weakness to restore and secure Belarusian democracy and independence. The author suggests that through comprehensive support for Ukraine and a proactive stance on Belarus, the West can counteract the Kremlin’s influence and prevent Russia's complete absorption of Belarus.

The full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, ignited discussions about ways to curb Russia’s ambitions in reshaping the post-WWII world order. This article critically examines the ongoing dialogue surrounding the potential designation of the Russian Federation as a state sponsor of terrorism. We will delve into both the arguments in favor and against this move while also exploring the current political outcomes of this contentious debate. Previously, we conducted a comparative analysis of the criteria for including countries in the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism and the activities of the Russian Federation. This article outlines the potential repercussions of such a designation, including restrictions on U.S. foreign assistance, a ban on defense exports and sales, controls over exports of dual-use items, and various financial and other restrictions. Sanctions penalizing countries and individuals for engaging in trade with designated states are of particular significance. The Russian Federation has already been recognized as a state sponsor of terrorism or a terrorist state/ regime in Ukraine and the EU; hence, the main emphasis will be on the United States. This is due to the fact that resolutions from other states are often symbolic gestures with limited consequences, whereas inclusion in the U.S. Department of State’s list can have a profound impact on Russia.

At the threshold of its third year, Russia's large-scale and brutal war against Ukraine continues to kill thousands, terrorize millions of Ukrainians, and disrupt international supply chains, affecting global energy and food markets. This is the second journal issue dedicated to the ongoing war. It dwells on the issue of lustration - a problem Ukraine did not effectively address during its post-communist transition, which in turn led to the perpetuation of the Kremlin's ideology and, thus, its continuous influence on Ukrainian politics and society. Two articles explore the rationale for including Russia in the U.S. Department of State's list of state sponsors of terrorism. While some European countries and the European Parliament have already declared Russia a terrorist state, the debate in the United States is influenced by numerous additional considerations, and the decision is still pending. The link between military expenditures, defense industrial investments, and the general economic development and stability in wartime is also examined in detail. The final two articles analyze Moscow's interests and strategy towards the post-Soviet states and the strategically important Black Sea region.

The full-scale war launched by the Russian Federation against Ukraine on February 24, 2022, began under a false assumption regarding the underlying grand strategy. The ongoing conflict has presented difficult choices for the states in the former Soviet Union, who have approached it with a mix of rational calculation and emotional considerations, viewing it as a conflict between two once brotherly nations. While Russia continues to wield significant influence, and some states depend on it as a security guarantor, the general consensus among the ten states is that Russia’s power and influence are waning. Consequently, they anticipate that Russia will pay less attention to its regional partners, allocate fewer resources to them, and that close association with Russia would strain relations with other important actors, particularly in the West. Russia’s influence has led seven of the ten states to not fully align with either the West or Moscow. While multilateral cooperation through organizations like the CSTO and EAEU was not paramount due to the prevailing “hub and spoke” structure, these states now face a noticeable stalemate. Despite Russia’s lingering influence, fueled in part by economic disparities, a rapid “growing apart” occurs in the area of the former Soviet Union. Some actors are distancing and disengaging faster than ever, leading to a shifting geopolitical landscape.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, military tensions in Europe have significantly decreased. However, the rapid evolution of weapon systems, warfare formats, and geopolitical trends of regional and global players in the international arena have led to increased demand for arms, rising military expenditures, and military escalations. In response to Russia’s armed aggression, Ukraine has begun the process of building up its military power, which, in turn, has caused an economic shock. This article aims to highlight the current trends in militarization and economic growth and analyze the military power and economic indicators of Ukraine, some NATO member states, and Russia. The study’s subject is the indicators of several states’ military and economic capabilities. The study was conducted using empirical research, analysis and synthesis, and formulation of assumptions. The article examines the problematic issues of Ukraine’s economic growth and military capability, focusing on the period leading up to the full-scale war. The study covers a set of fundamental events in Ukraine’s historical paradigm. It identifies trends in establishing close diplomatic relations between Ukraine and Western countries. At the same time, the work reveals the importance of transforming the state’s military and economic capabilities.

The article analyzes the primary reasons for designating the Russian Federation as a state sponsor of terrorism. The issue gained prominence with the full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022—the largest and deadliest armed conflict in Europe since World War II—challenging the unity of the Collective West and the global security system. The vision of a peaceful and prosperous European space from Lisbon to Vladivostok has been permanently shattered.
To achieve its geopolitical objectives, Russia has been involved in numerous armed conflicts since 1991, such as in Georgia, Tajikistan, Chechnya, and now Ukraine, orchestrated operations on the soil of other states, and supported terrorist organizations. Aspiring to be a superpower in the aftermath of the USSR, Russia has utilized hybrid warfare instruments for decades to undermine democracies globally and maintain influence over former Soviet republics. Some of its actions can be classified as terrorism, support for terrorism, ethnocide, or genocide.
This article explores the criteria for including countries in the US list of state sponsors of terrorism and compares them with the activities of the Russian Federation. It provides evidence that Russia qualifies for inclusion in the list, although the US still hesitates to designate it as a state sponsor of terrorism or a terrorist state/regime.

The article analyzes the 2019 case "Polyakh and Others v. Ukraine" and the European Court of Human Rights' latest standards regarding the applicability of Article 8 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of 1950 in lustration cases. In its judgment on the Polyakh case, the Court found a violation of all applicants' right to respect for private life due to the application of lustration measures by Ukraine. Based on the Court's previous practice regarding lustration in Central and Eastern European states and the Council of Europe's practice, it was concluded that the application of lustration measures, such as dismissal coupled with a ban on holding public office for ten years, along with the premature inclusion of the lustrated person's name into a publicly available lustration list, significantly impacts the person's private life. Consequently, Article 8 of the Convention is deemed applicable. If, instead of dismissal, the applicants had been offered a transfer to other less responsible positions or afforded the possibility of employment in the civil service, the Court, due to the reduced impact of the applied lustration measures on the applicants' privacy, would not have invoked Article 8 of the Convention.

The ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine has brought to the forefront the complex interplay of military, energy, and food security dynamics in the Black Sea region. Russia’s strategic focus on dominating the Black Sea and its littoral areas is evident through weaponization of energy and food exports and its persistent efforts to assert control since Putin’s rise to power in 1999-2000. This aggression underscores the urgent need for a comprehensive Western strategy to address the security challenges of the Black Sea region.
The article argues that the West must prioritize supporting Ukraine and enhancing Black Sea security through a multifaceted approach that encompasses military, political, and economic dimensions. Key missions include ensuring Ukrainian victory, providing energy security to Ukraine, and breaking the Russian blockade of the Black Sea to liberate vital energy and grain shipments. Additionally, efforts to engage with regional actors like Turkey and Azerbaijan are crucial to diversifying energy sources and reducing dependence on Russian resources. By recognizing the interconnectedness of security challenges in the Black Sea region and demonstrating a collective will to address them, the West can mitigate Russia’s influence, promote stability, and establish a more secure and prosperous future for the region.